Cry, the beloved country

You may already know Alan Paton’s epic, anti-apartheid novel from which this caption has been taken. But we are not talking of South Africa today. No, we are talking today about Nigeria, which to paraphrase our own Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, has continued to be enthralled in an ‘embarrassment of bad choices.’


Yes, bad choices. And we know what happens with bad choices. They invariably lead to bad outcomes. Some eternally optimistic Nigerian would say ‘God forbid!’ But that is why the creator Himself carefully outlined in the Book of Deuteronomy: ‘This day I place before you life and death. Choose life that you may live!’


Indeed, before the current dilemma of having to choose between Buhari and Jonathan, Nigeria and Nigerians have long been enthralled in choice-making.


The British first set up four separate ‘protectorates.’ They were the northern, southern, oil rivers and the colony of Lagos. Then for greater administrative ease, they began to blend them into one entity and finally ended with the unified territory of Nigeria in 1914.


The January 1966 coup brought in some dilemma when it did not succeed in all of its objectives. It left the rump of the administration with two options: work around it some more until a civilian government could be put in place or turn over power to the armed forces. The lot fell on the then Senate President, Nwafor Orizu to read ‘the instrument of surrender.’ In a classic case of déjà vu, the military’s withdrawal of protection for the electoral process last weekend follows most whimsically in that same tradition.


In July 1966 also, the hamstrung North wanted out of the unified federation. Araba, they insisted. Again the British intervened and the mantra changed: ‘To keep Nigeria one is a task that must be done!’


With the crisis in the North and the pogroms, a traumatised Eastern region had to make a choice. The crowd wanted out. Some other voices counselled continuing on with ‘difficult dialogue.’ The military administrator of the region, Lt Col Odumegwu Ojukwu cast the deciding vote. ‘On Biafra we stand.’


Were there alternatives to postponing last weekend’s polls? Plenty. But two would suffice here. And they reach to the heart of the issues.


A country is about its plans. Nigeria planned the botched electoral event four years ago. Three years after, the substantive agency in charge of the project declared specific dates for the contest. And then with literal days to the event, the agency is forced to abort the process.


Two principal challenges have been largely adduced for this. First is the issue of security. Nigeria has been fighting insurgents for years. And if we recall our historical details correctly, the escalation in the violent disposition of Boko Haram coincides with the extra-judicial killing by the security forces of Boko Haram’s first leader. When the same forces say they are requesting six weeks to finish off or substantially contain the insurgents (as the text is now being watered to), the question to ask is that given public knowledge that the theatre of conflict largely involves 14 local governments spread across three of our 36 states, could Nigeria not have requested strategic military support six months ago from the United Nations to beef up security in the affected areas and thereby ensure peaceful polling as has been the case in Iraq, Afghanistan and several other conflicted nations where the Nigerian military has participated and shone?


The second issue is that of the organisational inadequacies of INEC. Now, there is really no breaking news in saying that INEC, like the average national institution, is performing below the mark. And this writer is a personal victim giving that on account of this tardiness, he would not be voting in the elections. It is sad, but that is our cross today. But to insist that the elections must not hold on account of this is most mischievous. The other day for example, I watched INEC spokesman, Kayode Idowu, reel out figures on the level of PVCs collection as at Feb 10, 4 days to the initial polling date. Contrary to the widespread view that the PVCs had only been given out to ‘northern voters,’ the records show that in Akwa Ibom INEC had scaled the 80 per cent mark, while in Rivers and Abia States, PVC collection was in the range of 75 – 78 per cent.


Let us describe the spade after its shape. This postponement is indeed a sore blight and my prayer and hope is that this is all that it is. May God help Nigeria.


This piece was initially published on www.hallmarknews.com